Commentary
Reflections
on Using Patrons’ Stories as Practice-Based Evidence
Suzanne Lewis
Library
Manager
Central Coast
Local Health District
Gosford, New
South Wales, Australia
Email: [email protected]
Received: 30 Jan.
2016 Accepted:
9 Feb. 2016
2016 Lewis. This is an Open Access article
distributed under the terms of the Creative
Commons‐Attribution‐Noncommercial‐Share Alike License 4.0 International (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use,
distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is
properly attributed, not used for commercial purposes, and, if transformed, the
resulting work is redistributed under the same or similar license to this one.
We all know the
scenario: a patron approaches the librarian in the shelves, or emails the
library manager, or telephones the reference desk with a story about how the
library service met, exceeded, or failed to meet their expectations. Apart from
addressing specific problems (“the printing system keeps breaking down” or “I
can’t log in to the online resources”), what do librarians do with the rest of
the material that comes their way through these informal channels? Is it
evidence, information, or “anecdata”? In particular, what do librarians do with
conflicting opinions? For example, some patrons love downloading e-books to their
device and want everything available online, while others bemoan the
complexities of e-book borrowing and prefer the reading experience afforded by
hardcopy.
Qualitative research,
usability studies, and user experience explorations are not new in evidence
based library and
information practice (EBLIP). However, the data generated has tended to rank
low in the hierarchy of evidence, a hierarchy that has been challenged in
recent years (Koufogiannakis, 2010). This commentary will explore whether the narratives
and stories received through informal communication channels between library
staff and patrons are valid forms of evidence, and how (or whether) they can be
used to inform decision making and demonstrate the value of library and
information services.
The generally accepted
definition of EBLIP is that it integrates the best available research evidence,
practitioner experience, and library users’ values and preferences as the basis
for decision making (Eldredge, 2012). Much continues to be written about the
quality, quantity, and accessibility of research evidence in the library and
information science (LIS) field. In the last few years there has been a focus
on library practitioners’ knowledge and experience as evidence (Koufogiannakis, 2013). At present, there is increasing interest in
the third element of EBLIP—the values and preferences of library users. Patron
journeys are receiving attention in forums such as the blog #UKAnthrolib (http://ukanthrolib.wordpress.com/), which is “a
blog exploring ethnography, usability and user experience in libraries”.
In her keynote address
to the 7th EBLIP conference, Koufogiannakis (2013) highlighted two areas of
research she considered a priority for the EBLIP community. One of these was
“How do we ‘read’ the results of different types of evidence sources?” (p. 15). Koufogiannakis described a range of types of
evidence referred to in the academic literature. From this review it was clear
that the evidence generated through informal communication with patrons—if it
were to be considered evidence—is anecdotal, experiential and highly localized (p. 7). It also falls within the broad grouping of
“soft” evidence sources, described by Koufogiannakis as follows:
This type of evidence focuses on a story, and how
details fit into a particular context. Soft evidence provides a real-life
connection, insights, new ideas, and inspiration. Such types of evidence
include input from colleagues, tacit knowledge, individual feedback from users,
and anecdotal evidence. These types of evidence are more informal and generally
not seen as deserving of the label evidence… (p. 8)
In fact, it could be
argued that such evidence, particularly anecdotal evidence, is “anecdata”.
Anecdata has been defined variously as “unfounded perception” (Harris-Keith,
2014, p.150); “a compilation of correlated stories or other single pieces of
information produced to appear like actual scientific data” (Urban Dictionary);
and “data based on individual story telling that is subjective, malleable, and
resists collection via formal mechanisms” (Turner, Owen & Thomas, 2013).
The term can be used positively and negatively, depending on context.
In fact, context is
key. “Different types of evidence need to be weighed within the context in
which they are found, and only the practitioners dealing with that decision can
appropriately assign value and importance within that context” (Koufogiannakis,
2013, p. 15). Virginia Wilson, in her most recent
“Research in Practice” column in this journal, claimed that because the
questions for which librarians seek evidence arise from the local setting,
context must remain front and centre in weighing the evidence gathered to
address those questions (Wilson, 2015).
Also key to this issue
is the nature of the anecdote itself. Greenhalgh and Hurwitz (1999) remind us
that stories have “a finite and longitudinal time sequence” with a beginning,
middle and end (p. 48). The stories that library patrons tell are
often fragments of a larger story: the librarian often does not hear the end,
and may only discover the beginning in retrospect. Greenhalgh, an academic and
practicing doctor, writes about the stories that patients tell their doctors.
She observes that a patient’s problem is usually converted by the clinician
from narrative into “the structured and standardized format that has come to be
known as the ‘medical history’” (p. 50). But sometimes what is most important to the
patient can be lost in translation. Of course, the outcome for the patient is
important, but so is the experience, and the same can be said with regard to
library patrons.
Gidman (2013) points
to the work of A.W. Frank, who “presents a typology for illness stories:
restitution narratives refer to an illness which is treated and resolved; quest
narratives report patients’ journeys through their illness (overcoming a range
of obstacles)[;] and chaos narratives describe stories with multiple and
complex issues which are not resolved” (p. 193). This is a really useful way of thinking
about the stories told by library patrons and communicated via informal
channels.
Many are restitution
narratives in which the patron encounters a problem which is successfully
resolved with the help of the librarian. In this kind of narrative, the outcome
is the most important part of the process for the patron and the librarian.
These, of course, are the most satisfying narratives for librarians to hear, as
they reinforce the belief that the collections and services provided by the library
are useful and relevant.
Many are quest
narratives, such as the following, related to the author in her workplace (a
hospital library) by a nurse who had been writing her master’s thesis and using
EndNote:
Do you remember that time when I rang the library in
tears because my Word document
formatting on my thesis had gone all funny and made the document
unreadable, even the backup file seemed corrupted. I was devastated and I spoke
to you and you knew exactly what the problem was and sent me the link to a
video which showed me how to fix it?... And I can’t tell you how relieved I was
because I was just walking around the house absolutely shattered, fearing I had
lost all that work. (J. Burrows,
personal communication, 17 November 2014)
Librarians often hear
these types of anecdotes in which they become involved in a larger narrative
(in this case, the story of undertaking a master’s degree). The librarian is
often able to assist the patron in overcoming obstacles so they can move on to
the next part of the story, in which the library may not be involved at all. In
this narrative, the experience is just as important as the outcome.
Then there are the
chaos narratives, such as the student who experiences multiple problems in
their interaction with an education provider. In these kinds of situations, the
library is only a small part of a much larger narrative and may or may not be
able to assist with some issues. The library influences the experience but not
the overall outcome for the patron, because the outcome is beyond the sphere of
influence of the library.
When assessing the
value of anecdotes as evidence, it is useful to bear in mind this typology of
stories. The library may be front and centre in the narrative, able to
influence both experience and outcome for the patron, or it may be more
peripheral, unable to change the outcome but potentially able to improve the
experience. The librarian may be involved in the narrative from beginning to
end, or in one small part only. Patrons’ stories are highly contextual, which
is both a limitation and a strength, because they are so specific and
meaningful to the individual.
The value of the
information derived from stories or anecdotes may also lie in the effort
required to obtain it. It should not be used in isolation as the basis for
major changes in resources or services, but it can be used to inform further
investigation, providing insight into patrons’ values, preferences and
experiences.
References
Anecdata (n.d.). In Urban Dictionary, Retrieved 24 January
2016 from http://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=anecdata
Eldredge,
J. D. (2012). The evolution of evidence based library and information practice,
part I: Defining EBLIP. Evidence Based
Library and Information Practice, 7(4), 139-145. http://dx.doi.org/10.18438/B8GC99
Harris-Keith, C. (2014).
Evaluating the staffing of an Interlibrary Loan Unit: An exercise in
data-driven decision making and debunking “anecdata”. Journal of Access Services, 11(3), 150-158.
Koufogiannakis,
D. (2010). The appropriateness of hierarchies. Evidence Based Library and Information Practice, 5(3), 1-3. http://dx.doi.org/10.18438/B88D1R
Koufogiannakis,
D. (2013). EBLIP7 keynote: What we talk about when we talk about evidence. Evidence Based Library and Information
Practice, 8(4), 6-17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18438/B8659R
Turner, J., Owen, C. &
Thomas, L. (2013) Living the indie life: mapping creative teams in a 48 hour
game jam and playing with data. In IE '13
Proceedings of The 9th Australasian Conference on Interactive Entertainment:
Matters of Life and Death, ACM Digital Library, Melbourne, VIC. Abstract
retrieved from http://eprints.qut.edu.au/64496/
#UKAnthrolib. (2014).
UKAnthrolib: A blog exploring ethnography, usability and user experience in
libraries. Retrieved from http://ukanthrolib.wordpress.com/
Wilson, V. (2015). Evidence,
local context, and the hierarchy. Evidence
Based Library and Information Practice, 10(4), 268-269. http://dx.doi.org/10.18438/B8K595